It all started during a protest strike in Gilgit called by the Ahle Sunnat Wal Jamaat (ASWJ), a reincarnation of the banned Sipah-e-Sahaba, to demand the release of its local leader. Somebody lobbed a grenade on the protesters, which left two of the group's activists dead and anther 35 injured. Soon all hell broke loose.
Firing erupted in all parts of the city, forcing the government to call in the army and impose curfew with orders to shoot anyone violating the curfew. Meanwhile, thousands of people marched towards Karakoram Highway and intercepted Gilgit-bound buses at Chilas, killing nine passengers and setting six buses on fire.
Reports do not say who the passengers were. In a similar incident on February 28, sectarian terrorists had stopped a Gilgit-bound bus in the Kohistan area, ordered Shia passengers out after checking their ID cards for sectarian identity, and gunned them down. At the time, a self-styled commander of Jundollah, Ahmad Marwat, had claimed responsibility for the carnage. Notably, Jundollah, a Sunni militant outfit, is believed to be an American creation to foment trouble in Iran, and has been involved in a number of terrorist attacks in that country. It may have a role in the present carnage as well.
The powerful ASWJ is now threatening to take the fight to other parts of the country. Its Islamabad chapter quickly jumped into action and staged a protest demonstration in front of the national press club, accusing the Shias of Gilgit of wanting to make a sate within a state. They also said that the ASWJ leader, Allama Mohammad Ahmed Ludhyanvi, had called for countrywide protests against the killing of Sunnis in Gilgit. This is a recipe for pushing the country down the destabilisation course. Already sectarian tensions run high in many parts of the country. Hazaras in Quetta have come under several attacks similar to the one in Kohistan. Despite repeated appeals to the government for protection they feel unsafe, and have been saying so quite loudly. And Shia residents of Parachinar live in a constant state of harassment. Aside from these persistent trouble spots there have been several incidents of sectarian violence in Karachi and some other parts of the country as well. That though is not to say the violence is one-sided, but that when the government abdicates its responsibility people take the law into their own hands. The resultant mayhem serves no one.
Those familiar with Gilgit-Baltistan's history point out that the Shia population has always been dominant in its northern and Sunnis in the southern areas. And that it has been a very peaceful place, with one of the lowest crime rates in the country. The same can be said about the rest of the country. Both communities lived in a general atmosphere of amity, barring rare incidents of violence during Muharram. That began to change post 1988. Sectarian outfits awash with money and arms began emerging here and there, and soon enough they were launching attacks on leaders of rival sects as well as mosques and imambarghas, killing countless innocent citizens. This was the period when Iran's Islamic Revolution had consolidated itself and was throwing challenges to America's Middle Eastern allies. This was also the time that Charlie Wilson's War in Afghanistan, fought with the money and radicalizing influence of the Gulf countries' Sunni/Salafi rulers, reached culmination. The Empire needed a new enemy while wary kingdoms and sheikhdoms looked for ways to thwart a regional threat. Together they founded a new project: countering Iran's growing influence. Pakistan became a battleground of a proxy war between outsiders. It is no accident that every major movement for change in the Middle East is being given a sectarian colour. The Empire uses this weapon, via its regional stooges, to divide the people and preserve the status quo as far as possible.
At this point in Pakistan there could be a different objective. The popular conspiracy theory is that the US wants to destabilise Pakistan to the point where it can use that as an excuse to seize this country's nuclear weapons, which have always been a source of unease both in Washington and in Tel Aviv. In fact, some reports coming out of American sources affirm that a contingency plan is in place for the purpose. The motive could also be to keep this country in turmoil and hence dependent on American largesse so as to continue to use it for mercenary work in the region. Iran being a thorn in its side, Washington surely does not look kindly on Islamabad's attempts to forge a closer energy and trade co-operation with Tehran. In short, outsiders have a vested interest in keeping the pot of sectarian strife boiling in Pakistan. Jundollah's claim of responsibility for the Kohistan attack confirms the suspicion. ASWJ may be another tool in their hands without even knowing since those providing it and some other Sunni sectarian outfits with financial backing are the Gulf's Muslim states.
Be that as it may, it is the responsibility of our government to protect the life and property of all citizens. It must put its act together and fulfil that responsibility. There is no problem that cannot be solved if there is firm enough a will to do the right thing. A three pronged strategy is in order. As regards the AJWS, it is known to have a nexus with the so-called TTP. For a while the army has been in negotiations with the TTP militants, and has achieved some success, too. Which is discernable. Most cities are now spared terrorist attacks as retribution for army operations in the tribal areas. The TTP though includes disparate groups, some of which continue to pursue their violent agendas, perhaps, egged on by interested outsiders. Such groups must be alienated and dealt with an iron hand. Our security forces must also do all that is necessary to dispel the impression that they regard some of the radical elements as assets and therefore treat them differently. There are too many examples which show that militant groups have an ingrained tendency to get out of control once they learn to use force.
Secondly, the government must talk to the Gulf countries, which as WikiLeaks disclosed, are very firm in stamping out extremist elements within their own societies but have no qualms about financing radical religious groups in other countries, such as Pakistan. Blocking this flow of money will weaken these groups, and their ability to wreak havoc at will.
Third, the government must clamp down on groups spewing hate gospels and resorting to violent means. The policy to ban sectarian outfits known for pursing violent agendas but letting their leaders reinvent their identities makes no sense. They must also be kept from continuing their activities under renamed organisations. Urgent and effective action is needed to banish sectarian violence from this country.
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